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As President Volodymyr Zelensky’s once-dominant chief of staff Andriy Yermak reportedly exits the inner circle, Kyiv’s war-time power structure is shifting. For Washington, Ottawa, and European capitals, this is more than a personnel story — it is a stress test of Ukraine’s institutions in the middle of an existential war.
For much of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Andriy Yermak was not just Ukraine’s presidential chief of staff — he was widely seen as Zelensky’s gatekeeper, negotiator-in-chief, and political enforcer. Western diplomats often described him as the person you had to persuade if you wanted anything meaningful from Kyiv.
According to recent reporting by the BBC and other European outlets, Yermak’s influence has sharply eroded amid internal tensions, battlefield setbacks, and growing criticism at home. While official accounts remain cautious, the emerging narrative is one of a powerful aide who accumulated enormous authority in crisis — and then became too controversial to keep at the heart of the system.
For audiences in the United States and Canada, this shift may sound technical, even insider-ish. It isn’t. Yermak’s rise and fall illuminate deeper questions that directly affect North American policy, including:
Before politics, Andriy Yermak was better known as a lawyer and film producer, tied to Ukraine’s entertainment world. His connection to Zelensky — himself a comedian and producer turned president — came from that shared media universe.
Shortly after Zelensky’s landslide 2019 victory, Yermak joined his inner circle and quickly rose. In 2020, he became the head of the presidential administration (chief of staff), a role that in post-Soviet political systems often combines elements of U.S.-style White House chief of staff, national security adviser, and political strategist.
Western outlets like Reuters and CNN have described Yermak as instrumental in:
By 2022–2023, some analysts were openly calling Ukraine a “Zelensky–Yermak system,” highlighting the degree to which the president relied on his aide for both domestic control and international strategy.
As Russia’s invasion expanded in February 2022, centralized decision-making in Kyiv looked like a necessity. According to reporting from AP News and The Financial Times, Yermak became a central hub for:
Supporters argued this concentration of power gave Ukraine a coherent, quick-reacting leadership structure in a war of survival. In Washington and Ottawa, where bureaucratic gridlock is familiar, such fast decision-making was often welcomed, even admired.
But as the war dragged on and battlefield progress slowed, the same features that once looked like strengths began to look like vulnerabilities.
Ukrainian opposition figures, some civil society activists, and a number of military-aligned voices started accusing Yermak’s office of overreach. Commentary cited by The Economist and regional outlets suggested growing complaints about:
On Ukrainian-language Telegram channels — a major space for real-time war updates — users frequently debated whether Zelensky was too dependent on Yermak’s advice, especially on sensitive security issues. While views are mixed, the narrative of a powerful inner court gained traction as the war’s costs mounted.
The clearest warning signs emerged in the friction between Zelensky’s office and top military leadership. As reported by Reuters and The New York Times, disagreements over strategy, mobilization, and the pace of offensives led to public strains with high-profile commanders.
Yermak was often described by Ukrainian and Western analysts as a central player in internal debates over:
For many Ukrainians watching closely, the impression took hold that some of the most controversial moves were coming from, or at least through, Yermak’s office. Social media commentary on Ukrainian Facebook and local forums frequently accused him of “politicizing the army,” a charge his allies deny.
Another front of vulnerability was corruption. U.S. and EU assistance has increasingly been tied to rule-of-law and governance benchmarks. According to analyses in Politico Europe and The Hill, some Western officials quietly expressed concern that too much power flowing through Yermak’s office could dilute institutional checks and balances.
Ukraine’s own anti-corruption bodies, such as NABU and SAPO, became highly visible as they pursued cases involving wartime procurement and government-connected business interests. Whenever investigations brushed up against figures close to the presidential office, debates erupted about whether the system would allow true accountability.
While no mainstream Western outlet has reported direct evidence tying Yermak personally to specific corruption cases, the perception that his office was at the center of a highly personalized power network made him an easy focal point for critics at home and skeptics abroad.
As the conflict ground into a second and third year, Ukraine’s early narrative of constant momentum gave way to a more mixed reality: localized gains, heavy losses, and a fortified Russian defense. According to CNN and AP News, this fed both public frustration and elite-level finger-pointing.
In that environment, highly visible figures like Yermak often become lightning rods. Users on Reddit’s geopolitics and Ukraine-focused communities have increasingly debated whether problems in Kyiv are about personalities (such as Yermak) or structural constraints (from limited manpower to wavering Western support).
Many posts emphasize that in democratic and semi-democratic systems at war, powerful aides are often the first to go when leaders need to signal change — not unlike high-profile cabinet reshuffles in Washington during unpopular wars.
For U.S. and Canadian policymakers, Yermak has been more than a domestic Ukrainian actor. He has functioned as a kind of informal ambassador-at-large, especially on sensitive topics like:
According to reporting from Axios and Politico, several major White House and State Department conversations about escalatory weapon systems — such as longer-range missiles and advanced air defenses — have gone through Yermak, who often provided political assurances about how they would be used.
Canada, which has been consistently supportive of Ukraine since 2014 and hosts a large Ukrainian diaspora, also worked closely with Zelensky’s team, including Yermak, on aid packages and international advocacy. Canadian outlets like the Globe and Mail and CBC have previously noted Yermak’s role in coordinating with diaspora organizations and shaping Kyiv’s messaging in North America.
His weakening or removal from the core circle introduces uncertainty: who will inherit that function, and will they be perceived as more institutional or equally personalized?
In the U.S., debates over Ukraine are already polarized. Critics of extended support, including some in the Republican Party, routinely raise concerns about Ukrainian governance. Any high-level shake-up in Kyiv can be seized upon to either argue:
On Capitol Hill, staffers tracking Ukraine policy for key committees will be asking:
In Canada’s Parliament, where cross-party support for Ukraine has been comparatively strong but not unlimited, similar questions arise. The way Kyiv frames Yermak’s departure — as reform, renewal, or necessity — may affect how long political leaders in Ottawa can maintain a broad consensus.
Powerful political operators who serve as controversial right hands to wartime leaders are not unique to Ukraine. Analysts on cable news panels and in think-tank reports have drawn parallels, cautiously but tellingly, to figures such as:
In online discussions, especially on Twitter/X and Reddit, critics of Yermak occasionally used the language of “Rasputin” — shorthand for a shadowy court influence figure — to describe his perceived behind-the-scenes power. Pro-Zelensky voices pushed back, arguing this overdramatizes normal presidential reliance on trusted advisers during war.
The comparison that may resonate most for American and Canadian readers is with U.S. wartime chiefs of staff or national security advisers who became symbols of broader frustration:
The pattern is familiar: in prolonged conflicts, strong presidential aides accumulate power — and then either transform institutions or become casualties of political gravity.
One immediate question within Ukraine is whether Yermak’s diminished role opens more space for the professional military — or whether another politically connected civilian simply steps into his shoes.
Some Ukrainian commentators, quoted by regional outlets and amplified on Telegram, argue that empowering respected commanders and institutional defense structures could improve public trust. Others caution that militarizing the political sphere too heavily could undermine democratic norms, especially once the war ends.
The optimal balance, many analysts say, is a civilian-led system with clear, transparent lines between the presidency, the general staff, and independent watchdog institutions. The degree to which Zelensky reconfigures his team after Yermak may signal whether he’s moving closer to that model or doubling down on a different, more centralized approach.
Yermak’s central role also meant he was a primary gatekeeper vis-à-vis oligarchs, regional elites, and business interests. His fall could trigger three potential shifts:
Civil society organizations in Kyiv have long urged the second path. Reports and commentary from Ukrainian watchdog groups, echoed in Reuters and EUobserver coverage, emphasize that sustainable reconstruction and EU integration require stronger institutions, not just capable individuals at the top.
On Reddit, especially in r/worldnews, r/geopolitics, and Ukraine-focused subreddits, discussion about Yermak’s fall has mixed three recurring themes:
On Twitter/X, the reaction has been faster, more polarized, and often more emotional:
Many on Twitter express surprise at how much influence a non-elected aide could exert in a country celebrated for its resistance and resilience. Others point out that in Washington, Ottawa, London, and Paris, unelected chiefs of staff and security advisers routinely shape policy behind the scenes.
Within North American Ukrainian diaspora communities — particularly active on Facebook and in community media — conversation tends to be both highly engaged and deeply personal. Comments in Canadian and U.S.-based community groups reflect:
For many diaspora members, the central issue is not Andriy Yermak himself, but whether Ukraine emerges from this war more democratic and less captured by any single network of power.
Yermak has been involved in various negotiation tracks, from early ceasefire attempts to dialogues about prisoner exchanges and grain corridor agreements. His departure or marginalization raises several questions:
Analysts cited by The Guardian and Foreign Policy note that in high-stakes conflicts, continuity of contact persons matters. Changing key interlocutors mid-war can slow communication or increase the risk of miscalculation, especially if Moscow or other actors misunderstand the internal significance of personnel moves.
Despite occasional speculation, there is no credible evidence from mainstream outlets that Yermak’s status alone was the main obstacle to or driver of peace talks. Ukraine’s core position — that any settlement must respect its sovereignty and territorial integrity — is shaped by a broad elite consensus and public opinion hardened by atrocities and occupation.
What changes is not the basic strategic objective, but the style and structure of how Kyiv negotiates with allies and adversaries. A more institutionalized foreign policy apparatus may, in the long run, serve Ukraine better than a heavily personalized one — though it may prove slower in crisis moments.
For readers in the United States and Canada, the key is not to view Andriy Yermak’s career as an isolated drama, but as a lens on three deeper dynamics:
Andriy Yermak’s fall from the pinnacle of power in Kyiv does not by itself determine the fate of Ukraine or Western policy. But it is an important signal that Ukraine’s wartime politics are entering a new, more complex phase — one in which personalities may matter a little less, and institutions, public trust, and long-term strategy matter a lot more.